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When did Box become Christian?
Alan Payne and Jonathan Parkhouse August 2020 In the largely illiterate world of Anglo-Saxon England between AD 600 and 800, the monasteries were centres of learning and education. This eminence probably grew in the face of later Viking attacks when a common religion unified disparate states. The primary concern of monks was the state of Christianity in England. That has affected the way we interpret society at this time. In other words, we find evidence of Christianity when we look hard enough. There is a problem identifying early Christianity because of the mixing of religious forms between Christian and non-Christian practices. Until Roman orthodoxy asserted uniform standards of belief, local people integrated different views into their personal beliefs. A burial at Swallowcliffe, Tisbury possibly from the late 600s, appears to have included goods of both Celtic and Anglo-Saxon designs.[1] As a result, it is no longer considered that burial styles can be used to definitively determine Christianity or paganism. |
St Aldhelm’s window, Malmesbury (courtesy Wiki)
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Christianisation
Some archaeologists have pointed out the distinction between two different ideas: "conversion" whereby external allegiance is made to the Church, usually through entering the catechumenate (or) baptism, and "Christianisation", the longer-term process by which a broadly Christian world view is internalised by individuals and societies.[2] The two may be separated by longish periods of time. What contemporary sources document is often a political or diplomatic process of individual Christianisation rather than a doctrinal realignment of large numbers of people. Whatever the formal party line on monotheism, there was evidently a degree of "pick and mix". This is manifest in the behaviour of Rædwald of East Anglia, who put up a Christian altar alongside (apparently smaller) pagan altars in his temple (perhaps in deference to his pagan wife, so as to be able to maintain two sets of alliances). This is also evident in the iconography of the processional cross in the Staffordshire hoard, adorned with "pagan" motifs, insofar as we can comprehend what that paganism consisted of.
Yet Christianity and paganism were very different types of belief. Christianity was monotheistic, book-based with (at least in theory) a core set of beliefs and doctrine, universalist, and (ultimately) present-world-rejecting in favour of the afterlife. On the other hand, paganism was polytheistic, based on tradition and practice rather than text, locally-based, with no single credo, and world-accepting, concerned with the here and now. Further, what we know (or think we know) about the processes of conversion have been written by one side, the literate elite whose accounts do not really encompass the actual experiences of the majority. What people in general believed at any particular moment is usually inscrutable.
Those literate elites had their own agendas. Bede, for example, was keen on establishing the Roman Church's party line. He was dismissive of the British Church (and in any case seems to have had relatively few informants from Wessex) so that it is difficult to discern the influence of whatever existed in the way of indigenous church practice and organisation. However, Bede does tell us of Augustine's meeting with the bishops and teachers of the British Church on the border between the Hwicce and the West Saxons.[3] This shows us that there was a British Church with its own organisation, but the British Churchmen refused to recognise the Roman hierarchy, or their method for calculating the date of Easter, and would not join in with the Augustinian mission.
Some archaeologists have pointed out the distinction between two different ideas: "conversion" whereby external allegiance is made to the Church, usually through entering the catechumenate (or) baptism, and "Christianisation", the longer-term process by which a broadly Christian world view is internalised by individuals and societies.[2] The two may be separated by longish periods of time. What contemporary sources document is often a political or diplomatic process of individual Christianisation rather than a doctrinal realignment of large numbers of people. Whatever the formal party line on monotheism, there was evidently a degree of "pick and mix". This is manifest in the behaviour of Rædwald of East Anglia, who put up a Christian altar alongside (apparently smaller) pagan altars in his temple (perhaps in deference to his pagan wife, so as to be able to maintain two sets of alliances). This is also evident in the iconography of the processional cross in the Staffordshire hoard, adorned with "pagan" motifs, insofar as we can comprehend what that paganism consisted of.
Yet Christianity and paganism were very different types of belief. Christianity was monotheistic, book-based with (at least in theory) a core set of beliefs and doctrine, universalist, and (ultimately) present-world-rejecting in favour of the afterlife. On the other hand, paganism was polytheistic, based on tradition and practice rather than text, locally-based, with no single credo, and world-accepting, concerned with the here and now. Further, what we know (or think we know) about the processes of conversion have been written by one side, the literate elite whose accounts do not really encompass the actual experiences of the majority. What people in general believed at any particular moment is usually inscrutable.
Those literate elites had their own agendas. Bede, for example, was keen on establishing the Roman Church's party line. He was dismissive of the British Church (and in any case seems to have had relatively few informants from Wessex) so that it is difficult to discern the influence of whatever existed in the way of indigenous church practice and organisation. However, Bede does tell us of Augustine's meeting with the bishops and teachers of the British Church on the border between the Hwicce and the West Saxons.[3] This shows us that there was a British Church with its own organisation, but the British Churchmen refused to recognise the Roman hierarchy, or their method for calculating the date of Easter, and would not join in with the Augustinian mission.
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Royal Christian Influences
The documentary sources have no such quibbles about the validity of the headline question. When the Roman bishop Birinus was sent to convert the Gewisse in 635, he found them completely heathen although we don’t know what that meant.[4] An early convert was the Saxon king Cynegil (who died 643). Cynegil's godfather was Oswald, the saintly Northumbrian king, who subsequently married Cynegil's daughter, and according to Bede both kings gave Dorchester-on-Thames to Birinius to establish his bishopric. |
Saxon Kingdoms Gewisse = West Saxon Hwicce = Mercian The merger of the two helped to form the Anglo-Saxon kingdom |
Only one of Cynegils's sons, Cwichelm, was baptised with him; the other, Cenwealh, remained unbaptised until he was defeated by Penda and went into exile at the court of the Christian King Anna of the East Angles, where he was finally baptised. Perhaps Christianity was attractive to rulers because of its perceived association with Roman-ness; perhaps some were attracted by the idea of miraculous victories (a tradition going back to Constantine) and healings of sickness, and those elements of the new religion which most closely resembled traditional practice. Ideas of sponsorship and godparentage associated with baptism could also be useful in cementing political relationships.
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The Early Anglo-Saxon Rulers as Listed in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Reliability is Deeply Problematic. 519-534 Cerdic (Celtic name) 534-560 Cynric, son or grandson of Cerdic 560-591 Ceawlin, son of Cynric 591-597 Ceol, nephew of Ceawlin 597-611 Ceolwulf, brother of Ceol 611-643 Cynegils, family unknown 626-636 Cwichelm, co-ruler with Cynegils 643-645 Cenwalh, son of Cynegils 645-648 Penda King of Mercia |
Similar baptismal episodes took place elsewhere and gradually more and more rulers were absorbed into the (Roman) Christian sphere. Whilst kings did not necessarily attempt to enforce Christianity, initial understanding of Christianity amongst some (but by no means all) of the newly-baptised may have been limited.
The establishment of bishoprics often followed upon royal baptism and by the late 600s, patronage and endowment of minsters (Latin word monasterium) became a means of strengthening both royal and episcopal prestige. These minsters signalled royal power in the vicinity of the institution as well as acting as bases for mission and pastoral care and it was through these institutions that the Christian doctrine could spread. |
As well as the bishopric of Dorchester-on-Thames founded in 635, another was established at Winchester about 660. But it wasn’t until the reign of King Ine after 688 that Christianity became the official religion of Wessex.[5] Thereafter the West Saxon bishopric was subdivided in 705 between Winchester diocese (dealing with Hampshire and Surrey) and Sherborne (controlling Wiltshire, Dorset, Berkshire, Somerset, Devon and Cornwall).[6] The dioceses were reorganised again in 900, with the creation of Ramsbury (for Berkshire and Wiltshire) and Wells (for Somerset).[7] The first monastery in Wiltshire is believed to be Malmesbury in the mid-600s, on the site of an Iron Age hillfort and near Roman remains.[8] There were numerous royal grants to Malmesbury Abbey thereafter and some historians see them as indicating the conflicting claims of the West Saxon and Mercian rulers, which continued from the 680s until the death of Offa of Mercia in 796.[9]
What was the situation in Box during this period?
There are frequent connections between Roman villas and later churches in Wiltshire and it seems that such activity, or the memory of it, may have continued to be associated with sites. The fusion of Christian and pagan beliefs led Aldhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, to write that once the crude pillars of the same foul snake and stag were worshipped with coarse stupidity.[10]
This has led some historians to suggest that Christianised Roman locations evolved into actual churches but the evidence of linkage is superficial. For example, there appear to be some Roman tiles in the fabric of Box Church and nearby walls but timescales make continuity unlikely and the re-use of building fabric was common.
It is generally believed that Romano-Celtic culture revered springs and natural well sites and there is a juxtaposition of Roman sites and early Christian churches.[11]The Christian rite of baptism is also water-focussed, so some form of syncretism cannot be ruled out. There is a local example where a sacred spring was incorporated into a monastery in the 600s in Bath.[12] The Box Roman villa may have been associated with a water or healing cult and Box Church is sited on part of the Box Roman villa and adjacent to natural springs.[13]
There is no definitive evidence of Christian influences in the Box Roman villa or of early local Christian conversions. In the early Saxon period, Box may have been isolated from early royal West Saxon Christian influence and more subject to the beliefs of the pagan King Penda of Mercia (628-655) in Bath. But later Mercian rulers appear to have been converted to Christianity and, according to Bede, the Hwiccian princess, Eafe, was baptised in 661 and her father, brother and all their people were already Christian. It is possible that Bath Abbey was founded in 675 with land gifted from Osric of Mercia, although the authenticity of this is disputed.[14]
There is one further factor to be considered - that the Roman church was disputing aspects of the British church practices. At the core of the argument was the difference between a centralised and localised structure, reflected in such issues as the right of appointment. Bede seems to have been reluctant to engage with British Christianity and both he and Aldhelm of Malmesbury were evidently concerned with promoting the closed shop and party line of the Roman mission of Augustine.
What was the situation in Box during this period?
There are frequent connections between Roman villas and later churches in Wiltshire and it seems that such activity, or the memory of it, may have continued to be associated with sites. The fusion of Christian and pagan beliefs led Aldhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, to write that once the crude pillars of the same foul snake and stag were worshipped with coarse stupidity.[10]
This has led some historians to suggest that Christianised Roman locations evolved into actual churches but the evidence of linkage is superficial. For example, there appear to be some Roman tiles in the fabric of Box Church and nearby walls but timescales make continuity unlikely and the re-use of building fabric was common.
It is generally believed that Romano-Celtic culture revered springs and natural well sites and there is a juxtaposition of Roman sites and early Christian churches.[11]The Christian rite of baptism is also water-focussed, so some form of syncretism cannot be ruled out. There is a local example where a sacred spring was incorporated into a monastery in the 600s in Bath.[12] The Box Roman villa may have been associated with a water or healing cult and Box Church is sited on part of the Box Roman villa and adjacent to natural springs.[13]
There is no definitive evidence of Christian influences in the Box Roman villa or of early local Christian conversions. In the early Saxon period, Box may have been isolated from early royal West Saxon Christian influence and more subject to the beliefs of the pagan King Penda of Mercia (628-655) in Bath. But later Mercian rulers appear to have been converted to Christianity and, according to Bede, the Hwiccian princess, Eafe, was baptised in 661 and her father, brother and all their people were already Christian. It is possible that Bath Abbey was founded in 675 with land gifted from Osric of Mercia, although the authenticity of this is disputed.[14]
There is one further factor to be considered - that the Roman church was disputing aspects of the British church practices. At the core of the argument was the difference between a centralised and localised structure, reflected in such issues as the right of appointment. Bede seems to have been reluctant to engage with British Christianity and both he and Aldhelm of Malmesbury were evidently concerned with promoting the closed shop and party line of the Roman mission of Augustine.
Aldhelm of Malmesbury
Box is particularly connected with St Aldhelm, based on the apocryphal story of Aldhelm’s discovery of Hazelbury freestone in about 704, as told almost a thousand years later: The old tradition is that St. Aldhelm Abbot of Malmesbury, riding over the ground at Haselbury, did throw down his glove, and bade them dig there, and they should find great treasure, meaning the quarre.[15] Aldhelm founded many local churches and it s possible, if remote, that the story was a way of referencing a Box church. Malmesbury seems to have been solidly in the West Saxon area, whilst the abbey at Bath remained under Mercian control. No physical trace has ever been found of the pre-Norman abbey buildings at Malmesbury, so there is no means of telling whether any Box stone was incorporated in the fabric.
Aldhelm was abbot at Malmesbury Abbey (675-709) and extended the monasteria (monasteries) at Frome, Tisbury and at Bradford-on-Avon on land granted to him by King Ine.[16] He was a contemporary of Bede and one of the most learned clerics of his age, who insisted that local institutions follow the monastic rules of St Benedict, with monks appointing abbots rather than lay patrons. The clerical issues that concerned contemporaries were to restore Christian practices away from Irish adherence to Roman practice over such matters as the dates of Easter and Lent, whereby Irish Christians were celebrating the Easter mass whilst Roman practice was still fasting for Lent. Other issues included the form of monastic tonsure where the Roman style was a bald patch and the Irish practice was across the top of the head. Aldhelm was created the first bishop of the newly-formed Sherborne Dioceses (705-709). He could speak Old English as well as Latin and allegedly regaled passers-by on Malmesbury Bridge with Saxon riddles as well as biblical themes.
Aldhelm is frequently called a saint and recounting his saintly exploits was a main way of spreading God’s word but Saxon saints were not pious, miracle-performing aesthetes or benefactors but rather humans with frailties who had a good story to tell. They have been described as the celebrities of their time.[17] We might surmise that many households had images or relics of the saints in their house just as we have posters of footballers or pop stars today.
In many Wessex estates in the middle Saxon period, there appears to be a similarity between the boundaries of royal vill farming estates and parochiae church boundaries.[18] The main role of the monasteries was education and learning and the provision of missionary preachers who could be sent out from the central mynster (monastic) church to preach in local parochiae (territory of parish with duty of care for souls therein). With communities of perhaps four or five brethren, there were several such minsters around Box at Bath, Chippenham, Bradford and Malmesbury.[19] Because Malmesbury Abbey is believed to have founded a dependent church at Bradford-on-Avon, it is logical that Box area would fall within the Malmesbury parochia. During the late 800s and 900s there was a spiritual renewal of Christianity in the West Saxon Church mostly through the foundation and promotion of new monasteries in Wiltshire and also with the foundation of more churches. Malmesbury Abbey founded many churches at this time, probably including Crudwell, Purton, Christian Malford and Potterne.[20] These were often timber buildings founded by lay lords as their private church, which became a parish church in the later medieval period.
Box is particularly connected with St Aldhelm, based on the apocryphal story of Aldhelm’s discovery of Hazelbury freestone in about 704, as told almost a thousand years later: The old tradition is that St. Aldhelm Abbot of Malmesbury, riding over the ground at Haselbury, did throw down his glove, and bade them dig there, and they should find great treasure, meaning the quarre.[15] Aldhelm founded many local churches and it s possible, if remote, that the story was a way of referencing a Box church. Malmesbury seems to have been solidly in the West Saxon area, whilst the abbey at Bath remained under Mercian control. No physical trace has ever been found of the pre-Norman abbey buildings at Malmesbury, so there is no means of telling whether any Box stone was incorporated in the fabric.
Aldhelm was abbot at Malmesbury Abbey (675-709) and extended the monasteria (monasteries) at Frome, Tisbury and at Bradford-on-Avon on land granted to him by King Ine.[16] He was a contemporary of Bede and one of the most learned clerics of his age, who insisted that local institutions follow the monastic rules of St Benedict, with monks appointing abbots rather than lay patrons. The clerical issues that concerned contemporaries were to restore Christian practices away from Irish adherence to Roman practice over such matters as the dates of Easter and Lent, whereby Irish Christians were celebrating the Easter mass whilst Roman practice was still fasting for Lent. Other issues included the form of monastic tonsure where the Roman style was a bald patch and the Irish practice was across the top of the head. Aldhelm was created the first bishop of the newly-formed Sherborne Dioceses (705-709). He could speak Old English as well as Latin and allegedly regaled passers-by on Malmesbury Bridge with Saxon riddles as well as biblical themes.
Aldhelm is frequently called a saint and recounting his saintly exploits was a main way of spreading God’s word but Saxon saints were not pious, miracle-performing aesthetes or benefactors but rather humans with frailties who had a good story to tell. They have been described as the celebrities of their time.[17] We might surmise that many households had images or relics of the saints in their house just as we have posters of footballers or pop stars today.
In many Wessex estates in the middle Saxon period, there appears to be a similarity between the boundaries of royal vill farming estates and parochiae church boundaries.[18] The main role of the monasteries was education and learning and the provision of missionary preachers who could be sent out from the central mynster (monastic) church to preach in local parochiae (territory of parish with duty of care for souls therein). With communities of perhaps four or five brethren, there were several such minsters around Box at Bath, Chippenham, Bradford and Malmesbury.[19] Because Malmesbury Abbey is believed to have founded a dependent church at Bradford-on-Avon, it is logical that Box area would fall within the Malmesbury parochia. During the late 800s and 900s there was a spiritual renewal of Christianity in the West Saxon Church mostly through the foundation and promotion of new monasteries in Wiltshire and also with the foundation of more churches. Malmesbury Abbey founded many churches at this time, probably including Crudwell, Purton, Christian Malford and Potterne.[20] These were often timber buildings founded by lay lords as their private church, which became a parish church in the later medieval period.
Conclusion
There is no evidence of a church or of Christian beliefs in Box during the Saxon period; indeed, none until after the Norman conquest. A single sherd from a late Saxon cooking pot was found during excavations of the Box Roman villa but this appears to be an isolated find.[21] This doesn’t rule out the possibility of a Saxon church but it needs more evidence to make such an assertion for dates pre-conquest.
But there is possible evidence of an early church at Ditteridge.[22] The Domesday Book records an interesting connection with Malmesbury in the Ditteridge holding: "An Abbot of Malmesbury leased 1 hide of this land to Aelstan" (the holder before the Norman conquest). The implication is that the land was held by Malmesbury Abbey. However, it would be unusual if the holding was continuous for this whole period, more probably granted in the rush of patronage in the 900s, particularly the grants of extensive land by King Aethelstan around the year 937.
There is no evidence of a church or of Christian beliefs in Box during the Saxon period; indeed, none until after the Norman conquest. A single sherd from a late Saxon cooking pot was found during excavations of the Box Roman villa but this appears to be an isolated find.[21] This doesn’t rule out the possibility of a Saxon church but it needs more evidence to make such an assertion for dates pre-conquest.
But there is possible evidence of an early church at Ditteridge.[22] The Domesday Book records an interesting connection with Malmesbury in the Ditteridge holding: "An Abbot of Malmesbury leased 1 hide of this land to Aelstan" (the holder before the Norman conquest). The implication is that the land was held by Malmesbury Abbey. However, it would be unusual if the holding was continuous for this whole period, more probably granted in the rush of patronage in the 900s, particularly the grants of extensive land by King Aethelstan around the year 937.
References
[1] Bruce Eagles, Roman Wiltshire and After (editor Peter Ellis), 2001, “Anglo-Saxon Presence and Culture in Wiltshire, AD 450-c675”, p.225
[2] David Petts, Pagan and Christian: Religious Change in Early Medieval Europe, 2011, Bristol Classical Press
[3] Bruce Eagles, 'Augustine's Oak' in Roman Civitas to Anglo-Saxon Shire, 2018, Oxbow Books, p.143-146, tentatively places the site at Kemble
[4] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.171
[5] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.172-3
[6] Victoria County History of Wiltshire, Vol II, editor RB Pugh, 1955, article by RR Darlington, p.24
[7] Barry Cunliffe, Wessex to AD1000, 1993, Longman Group, p.312
[8] Simon Andrew Draper, Landscape, settlement and society in Roman and early medieval Wiltshire, 2006, Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3064/ p.131-32
[9] Hannah Whittock and Martyn Whittock, The Anglo-Saxon Avon Valley Frontier: A River of Two Halves, 2014, Fontmill Media Limited, p.72-3
[10] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.166
[11] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.156
[12] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.156 and 165
[13] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.160 and Mark Corney, (2012, The Roman Villa at Box, 2012, The Hobnob Press, p.112-13
[14] Hannah Whittock and Martyn Whittock, The Anglo-Saxon Avon Valley Frontier: A River of Two Halves, 2014, Fontmill Media Limited, p.67-8
[15] John Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire, 1969 reprint, David & Charles, p.42
[16] Victoria County History of Wiltshire, Vol II, editor RB Pugh, 1955, article by RR Darlington, p.25
[17] Janina Ramirez, Anglo-Saxon Saints, 16 July 2015, History Extra podcast
[18] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.184 and Michael Aston & Carenza Lewis, 1984, The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, Oxbow Monograph 46, p.47
[19] Michael Aston & Carenza Lewis, The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, 1984, Oxbow Monograph 46, p.53 and Barry Cunliffe, Wessex to AD1000, 1993, Longman Group, p.306
[20] Simon Andrew Draper, Landscape, settlement and society in Roman and early medieval Wiltshire, 2006, Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3064/ p.135
[21] HR Hurst, DL Dartnall and C Fisher, Excavations at Box Roman Villa 1967-68, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol 81, 1987, p.48
[22] Discussed more fully in a later article in this series
[1] Bruce Eagles, Roman Wiltshire and After (editor Peter Ellis), 2001, “Anglo-Saxon Presence and Culture in Wiltshire, AD 450-c675”, p.225
[2] David Petts, Pagan and Christian: Religious Change in Early Medieval Europe, 2011, Bristol Classical Press
[3] Bruce Eagles, 'Augustine's Oak' in Roman Civitas to Anglo-Saxon Shire, 2018, Oxbow Books, p.143-146, tentatively places the site at Kemble
[4] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.171
[5] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.172-3
[6] Victoria County History of Wiltshire, Vol II, editor RB Pugh, 1955, article by RR Darlington, p.24
[7] Barry Cunliffe, Wessex to AD1000, 1993, Longman Group, p.312
[8] Simon Andrew Draper, Landscape, settlement and society in Roman and early medieval Wiltshire, 2006, Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3064/ p.131-32
[9] Hannah Whittock and Martyn Whittock, The Anglo-Saxon Avon Valley Frontier: A River of Two Halves, 2014, Fontmill Media Limited, p.72-3
[10] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.166
[11] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.156
[12] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, 1995, Leicester University Press, p.156 and 165
[13] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.160 and Mark Corney, (2012, The Roman Villa at Box, 2012, The Hobnob Press, p.112-13
[14] Hannah Whittock and Martyn Whittock, The Anglo-Saxon Avon Valley Frontier: A River of Two Halves, 2014, Fontmill Media Limited, p.67-8
[15] John Aubrey, The Natural History of Wiltshire, 1969 reprint, David & Charles, p.42
[16] Victoria County History of Wiltshire, Vol II, editor RB Pugh, 1955, article by RR Darlington, p.25
[17] Janina Ramirez, Anglo-Saxon Saints, 16 July 2015, History Extra podcast
[18] Barbara Yorke, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages, p.184 and Michael Aston & Carenza Lewis, 1984, The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, Oxbow Monograph 46, p.47
[19] Michael Aston & Carenza Lewis, The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, 1984, Oxbow Monograph 46, p.53 and Barry Cunliffe, Wessex to AD1000, 1993, Longman Group, p.306
[20] Simon Andrew Draper, Landscape, settlement and society in Roman and early medieval Wiltshire, 2006, Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3064/ p.135
[21] HR Hurst, DL Dartnall and C Fisher, Excavations at Box Roman Villa 1967-68, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, Vol 81, 1987, p.48
[22] Discussed more fully in a later article in this series